Skip to main content

ANGLOPHONE CRISIS: WHAT'S NEW?

From simple protest to where we are today. But how did we get there?
Fighting is gradually coming to a halt between security forces and militants from Cameroon’s English-speaking minority. The government has called for a National Dialogue, while armed militants appear inclined to continue fighting. The Church is seen here as the only source of hope and solace and could thus be an arbitrator in the current crisis.
Why does it matter?Other than the Church, there are few prospective peacemakers. If no one fills that role, the separatist sentiment already voiced by many Anglophones will continue to grow, fuelling further violence and exacerbating the ongoing insurgency in the Anglophone regions, with Municipal and Parliamentary elections in early 2020 standing at the horizon.
What should be done?The Church should bridge its divides and state its impartiality on the thorniest question facing Anglophone regions – federalism versus decentralisation. A clergy able to project a position of neutrality could work with other trusted actors to mediate between Anglophone leaders and the state, and stem a dangerous and growing crisis.
I. OVERVIEW
Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis, which began in October 2016, has metamorphosed into conflict between security forces and increasingly well-armed separatists fighting in the name of the country’s marginalised English-speaking minority. The separatist impulse among Anglophones is growing as President Paul Biya’s government shrugs off the community’s historical grievances. Violence has spread: more than 2000 civilians and members of the security forces have reportedly died in the past three years.
Some evidence suggests that separatists control territory; 34,000 refugees are sheltering in precarious conditions in Nigeria and about 40,000 persons are displaced in the Southwest Anglophone region. Many militants apparently believe they are better served by fighting in order to negotiate with Biya’s government from a position of strength. The African Union and Western powers have called for dialogue. The government agrees on the need for talks, but refuses Anglophone activists’ calls for outside mediation and opposes any discussion of federalism. It has jailed Anglophone leaders with whom it was formerly talking.
Security operatives patrolling in the streets of Buea.
The Church could help break this dangerous stalemate. Present in all ten of Cameroon’s regions, the Church is one of the country’s strongest institutions. Almost three quarter of Cameroonians are christians and the Church operates a dense network of schools and hospitals. Cameroonians take its views seriously. At present, however, its public divisions, particularly between Anglophone and Francophone Servants of God, stand in the way of it playing a constructive role. It is not too late for the Church to bridge these divides. Anglophone and Francophone ministers of God should come together in a public statement to affirm their neutrality on the issue most contentious in the crisis – that of federalism versus decentralisation – and state their willingness to mediate.
The Church also should renew its calls for an end to violence and for Anglophone leaders and the government to enter negotiations. Given that, for now, direct talks between the two sides appear unlikely, the Church, if it is able to project neutrality and win trust on both sides, might play a behind-the-scenes role to allow for indirect communication between them. It could usefully push for prisoner release and some form of amnesty for Anglophone leaders who have fled the country, both likely prerequisites for talks. It could continue working together with other religious institutions. The Presbyterian Church in Cameroon, for instance, stated in January 2017 , its readiness to mediate, and the Cameroon Baptist Convention, as well as credible civil society associations and traditional rulers. As violence appears set to escalate, particularly ahead of Cameroon’s 2020 Municipal and Parliamentary elections, potential mediators and peacemakers are few. The Church should overcome its divisions, position itself as a neutral arbiter and help resolve an increasingly deadly and worrisome crisis.
" The Church has established itself as a leading actor in Cameroon’s politics, but [internal] divisions continue to undermine its potential to play a positive role. "
II. The Church in the Anglophone Crisis
Two issues related to the crisis are particularly divisive among Church leaders and christians. The first concerns the structure of the state, namely whether to advocate for decentralisation, federalism or even independence for a new Anglophone state. The vast majority supports decentralisation within a unified state.
" Some Anglophone Ministers of God have gone so far as to call for the creation of a new state. "
In contrast, some Anglophone priests have gone so far as to call for the creation of a new state. In April 2017, for instance, Father Wilfred Emeh of the Kumba diocese called for the restoration of the statehood of Southern Cameroons (he proposed federalism as a step toward achieving independence). The next month, Father Gerald of the Kumbo diocese wrote an open letter to Archbishop Kleda supporting full independence for the Anglophone areas and calling federalists “cowards standing on the fence”. He was joined later in May by Father David Fomanka, former Catholic education secretary of Mamfe diocese, who advocated for independence in an open letter to “Southern Cameroonians”.
These three priests all now live abroad. Their stance undoubtedly reflects the frustrations of a section of the Anglophone population. But the vast majority of Anglophone Cameroon’s 350 priests are more cautious, saying little in public and privately supporting either federalism or effective decentralisation – not independence.
The second division is over whether to support a school boycott declared in January 2017 by Anglophone militants, along with a general strike (they vowed to turn cities into “ghost towns”). The boycott continued throughout 2019.
Despite the polarisation, Anglophone and Francophone bishops share some views, and important Church figures are trying to find middle ground. For example, despite differences in tone, both Anglophone and Francophone bishops condemned the heavy military crackdown on civilians since the beginning of the armed conflict. This is an indication that greater coherence, and a more constructive role for the Church, are possible.
III. The Church’s Potential as Mediator
In order to play a more effective role and help stem an insurrection and counter the risk of civil war in Anglophone Cameroon, the Church must overcome its internal divisions or at least find enough common ground to project a position of neutrality. Several commentators have called upon the Church to mediate between the warring sides, as it has done in neighbouring countries, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Central African Republic. If it is to play that role, the Church should avoid taking firm positions on the main issues that divide the protagonists.
Even ahead of direct talks, the Church likely will have to address the exile of Anglophone activists. Many want to return home but are understandably frightened by the government’s continued imprisonment of Anglophone militants. It could push for some form of amnesty, prisoner releases and guarantees for returnees, perhaps in exchange for a ceasefire from the Anglophone armed militias.
" Without talks and the devolution of power in some form to Anglophone and other regions, separatist sentiment is very likely to continue growing. "
The precise agenda of eventual talks between Anglophone leaders and the government has been set. Preliminary discussions need to take account of the Anglophones’ deep feelings of alienation. The government cannot continue to dismiss this sentiment and should be open to discussions of federalism, even if that is not the only option for addressing Anglophone concerns (decentralisation that devolves real authority to regions likely would go a long way in that direction).
The issue of separatism is trickier. A growing number of militants, tired of what they see as Yaoundé’s bad faith, are attracted to this option (which they tend to term “restoration of statehood”). But it remains a red line for Yaoundé, and supporting secession remains a treasonable offense. At the same time, separatist movements have established themselves on the ground and cannot simply be ignored. Whether the government’s engagement in genuine dialogue with Anglophone leaders and either meaningful decentralisation or federalism would suck the oxygen from those movements remains uncertain. But without talks and the devolution of power in some form to Anglophone and other regions, separatist sentiment is very likely to continue growing and the conflict to escalate further with a risk of mutating into civil war.
IV. Conclusion
Cameroon faces critical risks going into this electoral year. Boko Haram remains active in the Far North, instability prevails along the eastern border with the Central African Republic and popular discontent continues to roil large cities. But the insurgency in Anglophone areas, and the clumsy government response, is now the main threat to the country’s stability. A negotiated solution is vital. The Church, if it can resolve or keep under wraps its internal divisions and project neutrality, would be well placed to help bring it about. International actors should support Church initiatives and encourage greater unity among the clergy. But the onus is also on the Church itself to display greater coherence.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

LES BRASSERIES DU CAMEROUN: Poised to revamp dying North West Economy.

As the crisis persists in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon, economic sabotage has been part of the modus operandi of the Separatists. One of the companies that have suffered from such sabotage is the Brewery company, Les Brasseries Du Cameroun. However in it’s new program as announced by the company Earlier this year, it seeks to revamp it’s commercial Centre in Bamenda and the 4 Depots of Kumbo, Nkambe, Wum and Fundong. This with a workforce of 400 workers, over 200 in Bamenda and about 50 in each of the 4 Depots, with a majority of the workers hailing from the North West Region. It is calculated that, over 30 Suppliers, two of whom supply the majority of the drinks sold in the Bamenda Commercial Centre, about 3000 regular retailers and over 2000 in the informal sector will get employed. They will be able to develop their families and improve on their livelihood by educating their children, building decent homes, and investing in diverse fields,...

NORTH WEST PUBLIC INDEPENDENT CONCILIATOR

The PIC while addressing local masses in Wum Council area, Mr. Tamfu Fai, appealed to the government to create divisional representations.   In the Anglo-Saxon tradition, it is customary to set up independent authorities responsible for settling disputes between users and regional and council administration. In line with this logic, Law No.2019/24 of 24 December 2019 to institute the General Code of Regional and Local Authorities provides for an independent authority called the Public Independent Conciliator (PIC) in the North-West and South-West Regions. The office holder is by no means a legal authority or a judge, as the competences and powers entrusted to him are not of a legal nature. The PIC is responsible, inter alia, for amicably settling disputes between users and the regional and council administration, defending and protecting rights and freedoms with regard to the relationship between citizens and the region or the councils thereof, conducting any investigation on the f...

FRENCH PRESIDENT, EMMANUEL MACRON, DISAVOWS DECENTRALIZATION AS SOLUTION TO ANGLOPHONE CONFLICT; OPTS FOR REGIONALISM.

  Image an elephant walked into the room. It's definitely something you would notice. It's also something people would describe in many different ways. Some might see it as a monster or a threat, while others (like The Colbert Factor) might think it's the greatest thing ever. It would ultimately mean something different to everyone, and that would influence the way each person understood it. The visit of the French President was the elephant walking into the Cameroon room.   Emmanuel Macron and Paul Biya in Yaoundé. July 25-27 2022 Last week's visit by recently re-elected French President, Emmanuel Macron, was too substantial to ignore. To most ordinary Cameroonians, his remarks after the close to two hours high-level talks with long-serving President Paul Biya, were great. To others, (especially those in government), they were a threat to what government had given a pat on its back for a fast-track of the decentralization process with a Special Status for the North Wes...